Stick Figures on Crack (remake)

Ver Figure

Security policy and regional integration: ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC

Author: href = "http://www.articlesbase.com/authors/james-r.-ruolngul/82285.htm"> James R. Ruolngul

Introduction

During the Cold War, Latin America, South Africa and even the dynamics of the South – Asia is not included in international politics. Studies on the Cold War, politics and the rush to safety in other parts of the world, particularly in the industrial sector, most often neglected of the country west of the third world and its quest for security. Even after the end of the Cold War, the security problems of Third World must be the existence of a very complex balance of power is often a precarious balance. The current phase of globalization, such as Kenichi Ohmae (1990, 1993, 1996) has become a borderless world where economic forces and free trade have become the main topic of international relations. In this situation, countries the third world often have to play hard to balance. This article is an attempt to address this third world security situation the three levels of analysis – International, regional and state levels. This analysis is done using three major regional organizations in the Third – World – ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. This is an attempt to show how the security policy and regional integration are closely linked and in the Third World. In the process, contribute to our understanding how regional organizations to face security problems and address the current phase of globalization.

What is security?

Security in international politics is a moot point, and remains to this day. For years, the thinking was that "the State is and should be on safety, with emphasis on military and political security "(Buzan et al 1998:37). The concept of security has been widespread since the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, where the concept of nation state was created. This vision has become more important during the twentieth century with two world wars and the Cold War that lasted nearly five decades. After the end of the Cold War, the scope of security at the university has changed with many "wideners" which held that the issue should have a wider range threats and to go beyond the traditional emphasis on military aspects of security for the state. These changes in perception has created a debate between those who still subscribe to traditional thinking and those who want to "expand" the definition of security to include other threats military also [1].

Security in the Third World

Since 1945, many of the greatest threats to state security is have become internal rather than outside, a development that has profound implications for international relations. As Holsti (1996: 15) writes, the security States in the Third World "has become increasingly dependent on the security in these states." For the third world, not just security should cover the external dimension of the military threat, but also the entire state of existence, including internal security and nation-building, systems food security, health, economy, trade and the environment (Thomas 1987). States in the third world, as all states are concerned about their own security, interior and exterior. But because most are poor, developing and postcolonial, third world states inherited colonial economy, political structures and perceptions of safety. Some of them are pre-modern and weakness, which is characterized by low levels of socio-political development and poor governance structures. Titles of these states are therefore forms of these features. For the authoritarian governments of the Third world, security is also to combat internal subversion and the maintenance of law and order at all costs.

The next three sections deal with security policy and regional integration in the third world, especially through the different dimensions of security analysis at three levels – international, regional and state levels. Where appropriate, the security dimension include military, political, economic, social and environmental. [2] In addition to these dimensions, security both in internal and external dimensions. As mentioned above, this analysis will be to see how the three organizations of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC to address security issues.

The International System

The Cold War

The politics of the Cold War had dominated the work of the international system for much of the second half of the twentieth century the century. It is interesting to note that if the third world states is unimportant in the global balance of power and are included in the security programs policies in the West, the bipolar system and the prevailing concern of the Western powers to the spread of communism and containment exacerbating conflicts in the Third World. While the conflicts in central and strategic sectors of Europe and North America have been averted, the Cold War has been a warm and the third world where the super-state in the game of international politics. The war in Vietnam was a clear example.

The intensity of the war Vietnam and the growing participation of the Soviet Union and the growing threat to regional security, ASEAN must adopt a policy of non-aligned. War Vietnam continues to strain relations of the members and threaten regional security. Communist victories in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam, has aggravated the situation. In 1976, ASEAN has been forced to consider a partnership with security as its predominant concern. Thus, in February 1976 at the Summit meeting in Bali, the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord was signed. They agreed "The right of every State to lead its national existence free from interference external subversion or coercion; non-interference in internal affairs of one another, resolving conflicts or disputes by peaceful means and renounces the threat or use of force '(ASEAN 1976). The reunification of Vietnam, the worsening internal security problems and the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia led to another dilemma for the security of the ASEAN during the mid-1970s. The negotiations followed during which the importance of ASEAN as a regional organization to resolve disputes and maintain security has been widely recognized. Vietnam withdrew from Cambodia in 1989 and the war in Vietnam was held by the Paris Peace Agreement of 1991.

While Meanwhile, the security problem in southern Africa during the cold war has been exacerbated by the presence of apartheid in South Africa, a regime that has taken a anticommunist politics and hard against the socialist orientation. Angola and Mozambique, after choosing this way, especially dealing. During the 1950s, and even in the 1960s, the South Africa Defense Force (SADF) has developed a national security doctrine (Total Strategy) emphasis on the psychological, social and economic target for their enemies, as well as military means. The government of South Africa established a framework for the implementation of policies that affect all sectors of public life, called the system of national security. Louis Nel, after South Africa, Deputy Foreign Minister, said in November 1982, "The Kremlin has actively supported the South African Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movements in their search for power in Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. The Kremlin is in support of SWAPO, the ANC of South Africa and the Communist Party of South Africa operating against SWA / Namibia and the Republic of South Africa, respectively "(Quoted in Hanlon, 1986: 8). The use of such words have two advantages: – the policy of apartheid can be seen as inspiration Communist, and demanded that the Western support, was a bulwark against communist attack (Hanlon, 1986: 8).

The United States, being a great power, it is recognized and Latin America under its sphere of influence. Home mostly to the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, when U.S. President James Monroe warned the powers EU to stay out of the Americas, the United States, in fact, has reserved the right to influence and interfere in Latin America. This has been a factor for States U.S. and many Latin American countries over a long period. The cold war has reduced the Latin American countries (LAC) the potential relationships with other regions. Consequently, many countries in the region reduce their dependence on the superpowers. It is the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL), which forms a large part of South America, regionalism. This can be seen as opposition to the hegemony of the superpowers. Unlike Europe, this region was relatively quiet until the 1960s when the Cold War has become a hot with the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. While that erupted after interstate wars of the 1960s, the real security problem for Latin America was the cold war, with countries of the region gradually Zone of American influence. Since the 1960s, the United States intervened militarily in its own backyard and installed puppet governments.

The cold war has begun a dangerous nuclear arms race. Faced with this threat in 1971, a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) Declaration was signed by the Member States of ASEAN. This statement can be seen as a reaction to the new multi-polarity in the region with the Soviet Union, the United States, China and Japan as core competencies that affect events in the South-Eastern Asia. In addition, through the Declaration of Foz de Iguazú in November 1985, Brazil and Argentina have declared its nuclear program solely for peaceful purposes. This action by the states in the Third World can be seen as their desire to stay away from politics of the cold war, interference and aggression as the superpowers to destabilize parts of the Third World.

Cold Wartime

The fall of the Soviet Union and the changes in the bipolar world has more immediate impact for the Third World. Attended the appearance the United States as the sole superpower that has become more powerful over time.

Politically, the end of the Cold War has led the withdrawal of aid for many Third World states and movements. The collapse of the Soviet Union has discredited the substitution model and ideology represented by the Soviet Union. This has affected many movements and maintains, in many Third World states, including members of ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC. Economically, has also led to changes in the direction of trade and business. The military also produces the same result of the reorientation of trade in arms transfers and transactions. The post cold war, embodied by the powerful influence of United States, their participation in the Third World, the problems and conflicts (Iraq, Afghanistan, etc) and the complex web of international relations, and will continue to have an impact on global security and regional integration process. For the third World, a security problem has become more after the Cold War, as it has been increasingly complex and the tire pressure.

Post-9/11 period

The world has entered a new period of insecurity and threats since September 11 2001 terrorist attacks against the United States and the events that followed. Shortly thereafter, the United States launched a movement and led a coalition to remove the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. The attacks also led to the introduction of the "war against terrorism" legislation in many countries, including the United Kingdom, India, Australia, France, Germany, Indonesia, China, Canada, Russia, Pakistan, Jordan, Mauritius, Uganda and Zimbabwe. This has ended the transition that followed the end of the Cold War (Wenger, and Zimmerman 2003: 1).

For years, states and regional organizations, not ignored terrorism as a priority. If this is true for most states, particularly in the developing world where poverty, disease, conflict internal and hunger has been considered to solve immediate problems. However, this threat has been an increasing problem for all states for most of the attacks in Nairobi, Dar es Salaam and Casablanca in 1999, the Bali attacks, attacks in Britain, Egypt, Yemen, Argentina, in 1992 and 1994 and other threats and attacks in all regions the world. The Terrorism can not be treated as a Western concern. It has become an international security issue, regional, where he must provide a coherent response, so that the process of integration and inter-and intra-regional trade is not hindered by these threats.

The regional level

When ASEAN was established, despite its policy of non-alignment, there were still some members of the formal alignment with the United States and United Kingdom. The fact is that member countries are solely responsible for their own safety. Therefore, most of the political and strategic alliances with other countries taken place outside the structures of the ASEAN. After its establishment, ASEAN was seen by the communist bloc as nothing more than "inspired military alliance against West China and the Indochinese states (Dixon, 1999: 118). Admittedly, for much of the Cold War and later, China was considered a major threat to the safety of members of ASEAN, which explains why most of the ASEAN states want the United States remains a regional power. Many believe that the separation of the United States create a power vacuum would be filled by China or Japan. But the members of ASEAN with China, the relationship has improved considerably since the end of the Cold War. This new relationship with China has been included in the ASEAN meeting in 1997. The seminar was held in Beijing. This new agreement was that ASEAN leaders have begun to recognize the political and economic benefits of closer ties with China easily outweigh the military risks.

The purpose of the scheme apartheid in South Africa, the formation of SADC and its attempt to reconcile the differences between the differences between the old plans and policies are important for safety of South Africa. At the top of the 1996 Gaborone SADC Heads of State and Government of the SADC organ on Politics, Defense and Security (RPD) was launched. For the first time since SADC was established, the region has remained stable regional security architecture. Interstate Defense and Security Committee (ISDSC), which was established in 1994 incorporated in the new RPD found. In 2003, a mutual defense pact signed by members of SADC. This is a formal commitment by SADC to function as an advocacy organization collectively. While "International terrorism and the proliferation weapons of mass destruction … and play no role whatsoever in the region" (Steinhilber 2006:11), the problem of HIV / AIDS is a major concern for all African States. This creates instability and, consequently, affects regional integration. The HIV / AIDS epidemic is a major factor and that the issue raises a great concern for the States of Southern Africa at present. This problem is clearly reflected in the statement of Prega Ramsamy (2001: 35), former Secretary General of SADC, said that when "the [HIV / AIDS] pandemic is steadily increasing in our community. Statistics suggests that the rate of infected people in the region could be as one in five Member States in some states. At least four states have rates above 400 per 100,000, which indicates the degree of problem. "SADC members collectively participate in the fight against HIV / AIDS in an emergency (SADC 2003).

Improving relations, the change in the agenda, security and the democratization process in Latin America since the late 1980s and early 1990 led to a new perception of a vision for Latin America. The Mercosur Treaty of Asunción established in March 1991. With the admission of Bolivia and Chile, MERCOSUR expanded to represent 230 million, or 45 percent of the population of Latin America. Although the Southern Cone countries did not face many external threats, economic ties Close and open borders often cause security problems for their neighbors. As the military has taken on new tasks, the problem is if you maintain a balance between countries Member safety and the management responsibilities. Argentina and Brazil are also opposed to the idea of institutionalization of the Conference of Defense Ministers. This explicitly means that they are against a security system. Explain that the countries of the continent are very different, it can mean that two more states powerful in the Southern Cone in the desire to exert influence over other members of MERCOSUR and the functioning of the regional integration agreement. Paraguay and Uruguay for a maneuver Common and wants an advisory body for this purpose because they are afraid that Argentina and Brazil could use its nuclear technology for its own purposes, despite of the nuclear treaty. Brazil is also said to have its own nuclear project. Chile chose to have both a policy of self-defense. On the economic front, the Mercosur countries have yet to achieve security – the devaluation of the Brazilian Real in 1999 and other financial crises in Argentina and Brazil are examples. These crisis led to the Mercosur members to question their existence.

State

An analysis of the Third World in the State Security Reunion tremendous problems due to the large size of the safety and differences in perceptions and the conditions in those states. The security of these states always beyond the question of the state's ability to protect its resources and its borders and the size of the food, environment, economy, society elite, the culture and the legitimacy and survival of states and regimes. In other words, the size of the military political, economic, social and environmental titles are so important to the Third World. In recent years the problem of crime in transnational drug trafficking and terrorism have also been added to the dilemma the security of these states.

First, the role of armed forces is critical to the regimes and governments to secure and maintain its sovereignty, ideology and legitimacy. The political role of the military in the Third World along with the weakness of government institutions have armed groups and paramilitary forces they have more power and influence. In the case of Thailand, military coups after military coups took place because of the very powerful political position enjoys the military. In Indonesia also depends on the continued control of the army. The military also been used for more power, even illegitimate. This necessitates the use of military force against the opposition forces killed thousands of people. This kind of military adventurism and the use of the military is particularly widespread in Africa. For example, in August 1998, Angola, Zimbabwe and Namibia has decided to take part in an intervention in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to fight rebel forces. This intervention came at the request of President Laurent Kabila, who came to power by military force. In most parts of the world, militarization these problems and the new role that the military began to play, paradoxically, lead to greater insecurity for the population schedule. The role played by the military can put them in contact with the civilian population and increase the possibility of violations of human rights. It could also put them in direct confrontation with the people (Pion-Berlin 2000). But as a whole, the political role the military plays has decreased since the democratization process has started.

In addition to the secessionist movements, ethnic violence and conflicts, the ASEAN states are sensitive to economic shocks and are economically unstable. Monetary security has not been reached. For example, Thailand's economy suffered a severe economic crisis during the 1970s and early 1980s that led to the economy on the brink of collapse. Several reforms have been initiated under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank through which the Thai economy recovered slowly. The Asian crisis of the late 1990s also had serious repercussions on the economies of these states.

Environment, over – of resources and few environmental concerns has been the subject of a dispute and that regional organizations are more involved. As ECLAC (2001), said: "The environment has played an important role in food production based on natural resources and food supplies and other services for population. However, a relationship between economic development and social environment has no basis for development strategies and policies carried out in the Caribbean. Since the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations, the importance of the environment for trade and development is generally accepted. However, developing countries were concerned about proposals for environmental and labor standards in the WTO. That was part of the reason for the inability to launch a new round of trade negotiations Seattle in 2000. Environmental issues were again the order today at the ministerial meeting in Doha in November 2001. "

Integration and security

What has been said before, safety and the perception for many Third World states remain the main source of tension for all the movements of regional integration. During the Cold War, the international system has created one of the conditions that led the emergence of internal conflicts, and sometimes wars. These side effects destroyed the thin tissue that holds the Third World in its efforts to comply.

The nature of non-interference in ASEAN Way, multilateral consultations can also be modified for a more useful and practical. Instead of ignore the underlying problems and skirting the issues to be addressed directly. Of course, the sovereignty of a State should be respected, but as an organization regional, is also their responsibility to deal with a member of the problems in a constructive manner. Linked to all is the challenge facing ASEAN regionalism. No the capacity and resources. These restrictions are supplemented by a letter from the constraints that give high priority to principles such as sovereignty and non interference. In this situation, prospects for cooperation are lower. As ASEAN has "come to be regarded as one of the most successful experiments in regionalism in the developing world" (Acharya 1993: 3), ASEAN or the ASEAN Way informal process of non-interference has been severely criticized. Due to these reasons, some have argued that their "aim seems to obscure the fundamental differences between its members under the guise of consensus and non-interference "and" ASEAN Way "does not deal with tensions, it is ignored" (Jones and Smith, 2002: 103, 108).

The scenery of southern Africa is very different from that of ASEAN. For many years, SADC has faced the Member States weight of South Africa's total strategy to destabilize and blackmail. From the 1990s came a new hope in the region. But the hope and reality often separated from their ways. Therefore, the SADC to continue as a strong regional organization, SADC Organ on Politics, Defense and Security (OPDSC) No should be allowed to function as its predecessor, the DPO. Members of the suspicion of others may be removed by a series of measures to promote trust and adoption of a system of shared leadership. OPDSC to be effective, must adopt a security concept that takes into account military, political, social, economic and environmental. Mutual rest of Southern Africa led to differing perceptions of security. South Africa has not yet shared values and visions as well. Optimistic that the results can be verified by the Protocol on Politics, Defense and Security and the Strategic Indicative Plan for the Organ (SIPO), SADC seems to have abandoned the vision close to the security that prevailed during the Cold War. The program now includes two political-military threats (including the State-war, internal war on a large scale of human rights, war crimes against humanity, genocide, coups and other forms of illegal seizure of power, poor governance and abuse of power, the dangers associated with periods of political instability and attacks on democratic institutions) and non-military threats (food security, mass movements of refugees, illegal migrants, humanitarian and natural disasters, disease, poverty and underdevelopment and environmental degradation) (Hammerstad 2005: 7). Another major problem for South Africa in recent years has been the problem of HIV / AIDS. Interaction and cooperation among peoples, individuals, parties, leaders, and government will help a lot. It is now incumbent on States to expedite the process and start building confidence and military cooperation, political, social, economic and cultural.

In the 1990s, many old conflicts in Latin America (Argentina, Chile, Peru and Ecuador, El Salvador and Honduras, Chile and Peru) was resolved by diplomatic means. The policy approach followed by Brazil and Argentina have also paid dividends in the potential formation of MERCOSUR, one of the largest economic groups in the world, finally, 45% of the population of Latin America. Latin American democratic institutions is relatively Again, who are weak in their structures, paving the way for non-governmental actors to wreak havoc (Steinhilber 2006: 7). Internal problems, therefore, traffic drugs, arms trafficking, organized crime, environment, natural disasters, social deprivation, transnational crime, guerrilla organizations, the state of dysfunction and violence against those who, in many cases lead to the militarization and clashes between the groups. The main risk factors for America America after the cold war are associated with lack of governance, instability and weak democratic institutions (Aravena 2004: 6). Let that the only formation of MERCOSUR, in the end. Instead of relying on mere rhetoric and ideologies, Member States must work together in a spirit of cooperation and to address these enormous problems.

In general, the regions of Southeast Asia, South America and South Africa are certain types of security problems differently the Western idea of security. For them, security should not just mean freedom from external threat or shop and have a huge arsenal, also means to be obtained from internal subversion. This also means that services and maintenance plan, safety supply systems, health, trade and development. All these problems are interrelated. These problems call into question the legitimacy of governments, which in turn results in inefficient government incapable of ensuring the safety of population. But at the same time, no organization or model has been successful in establishing a strong government in these regions to achieve these goals satisfactorily. To create a new organization to address these issues is beyond doubt. The current ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC organizations can lead the way in improving relations, while seeking ways to ensure the security of the third world, provided that these organizations be more proactive and sincere in their activities.

NOTES

[1] For more on this topic, see Ullman (1983), Hirsch and Doyle (1977); Meadows et al (1972), Ruggie (1982), Walt (1991); Mearcheimer (1990); Ayoob (1997), Peterson and Sebenius (1992), Lynn-Jones and Miller (1995); Buzan (1991a) Buzan (1991b), Buzan et al (1998) and Wirtz (2002).

[2] This is a derivative of Buzan et al (1998)

REFERENCES

Acharya, Amitav (1993), a new regional order in Southeast Asia: ASEAN in the post-Cold War, Adelphi Paper 279, Oxford: Oxford University Press for the International Institute for Strategic Studies.

Aravena, Francisco Rojas (2004), Security in the Americas: Challenges, perceptions and concepts, briefing papers, May 2004, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung in Colombia.

ASEAN (1976), Treatise Friendship and Cooperation in South Asia, Bali, February 24, 1976.

ASEAN (2002), Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea, 2002.

Axworthy, Lloyd (1999), Human Security: Safety for people in a changing world, conceptual, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, April 29, 1999 [online: web] on 13 July 2006 URL: target = "_blank" href = "http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/foreignnp/HumanSecurity/secur-e.htm."> Http://www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/ foreignnp / humansecurity / safety-e.htm.

Ayoob, Mohammed (1997), "Defining Security: A Subaltern realistic", in Keith Krause and Michael Williams (eds.), Critical Security Studies, Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press.

Bearman, Sydney et al. (ed.) (2001), "America," Strategic Survey 2000-2001, London: IISS, 2001, pp. 55-94.

Buzan, Barry (1991a), People, States and Fear: a curriculum of international security in the post Cold War, 2nd edition, Boulder, Co.: Lynne Rienner.

Buzan, Barry (1991b), "New Patterns of Global Security in the 21st century", International Affairs, vol. 67 (3), pp. 431-451.

Buzan, Barry, Waever Ole and Jaap de Wilde (1998), Security: A New Framework for Analysis, Boulder, Co.: Lynne Rienner.

Dixon, Chris (1999), "Regional Integration in Southeast Asia", in John Grugel and Wil Hout (eds.) (1999), Regionalism across the North-South divide: the status and strategies of globalization, London, Routledge.

CEPAL (2001), Trade, Environment and Development, the implications for the Caribbean, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, Report G.669, 2001.

Hammerstad, Anne (2005), "The People, States and Regions, "in Anne Hammerstad (ed.) People, States and Regions: Building a Collaborative Security in South Africa The South African Institute of International Affairs, pp. 1-21.

Hanlon, Joseph (1986), The Beggar neighbors, London: CIIR, James Currey.

Hirsch, M and M Doyle (1977), "politicizing the global economy: necessary conditions for an international economic order" in F. Hirsh, M. Doyle, E. Morse (eds.) Alternatives to Monetary Disorder, New York: McGraw-Hill, pp. 11-66.

Holsti, Kalevi J. (1996), The State, War and War of the state University of British Columbia, Vancouver, Cambridge Studies in International Relations of the series No. 51.

Jones, David M., and Michael Smith, JC (2002) "immitation of the ASEAN Community," Orbis, 93-109.

Lynn-Jones, Stephen Miller and Sean (1995), Global Dangers: Changing Dimensions of International Security, Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press.

Malik, J. Mohan (1992), "Patterns of conflict and security in the Asia-Pacific region: the post-Cold War" by Malik, J. Mohan et al. Asiatiques Defense Policy: the great powers and regional powers (Paper I), Geelong, Deakin University Press, 1992 pp. 33-52.

Matthews, Jessica (1989), "Redefining Security" Foreign Affairs, vol. 68 (2) pp. 162-177.

Meadows, D et al (1972), The Limits to Growth: A Report for the Club of Rome on the situation of humanity in New York: Potomac Associates.

Mearsheimer, John (1990), "Why Miss the early Cold War," The Atlantic Monthly, 226 (2), pp. 35-50.

Ohmae, Kenichi (1993) "The Rise of the Region State", Foreign Affairs, Spring

Ohmae, Kenichi (1996) The End of State of the Nation, New York: Touchstone

Ohmae, Kenichi (1990) The world without borders, New York: Harper Collins

Peterson, Peter and James Sebenius (1992), "The Primacy of Action," in Graham Allison and Gregory Treverton (eds.), Rethinking the Safety of America: Beyond Cold War to New World Order, New York: WW Norton and Co., pp. 57-93.

Pion-Berlin, David (2000), "Will Soldiers Follow? Integration economic and regional security in the Southern Cone, "Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs, 42 no. 1, Spring 2000, pp. 43-69.

Ramsamy, Prega (2001), SADC: The Way Forward ", in Christopher Clapham, Greg Mills, Anna and Elizabeth Sidiropolous Morne (ed.), Integration Regional Southern Africa: Comparative Perspectives, Johannesburg: South African Institute of International Affairs.

Ruggie, JG (1982), "International Regimes, transactions and change: Embedded liberalism in the postwar economic order "International Organization, vol. 35 (2), pp. 379-415.

SADC (2003), the SADC Declaration on HIV / AIDS, Maseru, Lesotho, July 4, 2003.

Steinhilber, Jochen (2006), "determined to cooperate? Security and Regional Cooperation", Occasional Papers, September, Friedrich Ebert Foundation.

Thomas, Caroline (1987), In Search of Security: The Third World in International Relations, Boulder, Colorado: Rienner.

Ullman, Richard (1983), "Redefining Security" International Security, vol. 8 (1), pp. 129-153.

Waever, Ole et al (eds) (1993), identity, migration and the new security agenda in Europe, London: Pinter.

Walt, Stephen (1991), "The Renaissance for Security Studies, "International Studies Quarterly, vol. 35 (2), pp. 211-239.

Wenger, Andreas, and Doron Zimmerman (2003), Relations International: From Cold War to globalization, Boulder: Lynne Rienner.

Wirtz, James (2002), "A New Agenda for Security and Strategy "In John Baylis et al (eds.), Strategy in the Contemporary World: An Introduction to Strategic Studies, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

About the author:

The author has a Ph.D. in international policy of the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His fields of interest are South Asia, Africa and South America and Latin writing on the politics of regional integration in these areas. He also writes on topics related to South Asia, especially in northern India.

Item Source: ArticlesBase.com – Title = "Security Policy and Regional Integration: ASEAN, MERCOSUR and SADC"> Security Policy and Regional Integration: ASEAN MERCOSUR and SADC

Kanokon Minamoto Chizuru Clear Ver. 1/7 PVC Figure Griffon Enterprise
$129.99